The Samuel Alito hearings demonstrate the price of one-party government. A Supreme Court nominee who is by expressed conviction opposed to Roe v. Wade and dodgy about privacy rights, whose radical jurisprudence undercuts Congressional authority and guts civil rights enforcement--a philosophy not long ago viewed as unconfirmable--now appears to be hurtling toward confirmation amid cheers from the right and resigned shrugs from too many Democrats.
Bruce Shapiro was director of The Nation Institute's Supreme Court Watch during the nominations of Justices Thomas, Breyer and Ginsburg.
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Christopher Dodd
Bruce Shapiro: Strongest on human rights and civil liberties.
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Supremely Bad Decisions
Bruce Shapiro: With gleeful judicial activism, the Roberts Court swings right and sides with the interests of power.
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Virg. Tech: Only Connect
Bruce Shapiro: The Virginia Tech shootings should prompt us to rethink our approach toward guns, the media and mental health.
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Story Lines at Virginia Tech
Bruce Shapiro: The desire to impose a narrative on chaotic events leaves the meaning of the Virginia Tech shootings up for grabs.
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The Saddam Spectacle
Bruce Shapiro: A videotaped hanging does not bring justice to Saddam's victims, living or dead.
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Questioning Capital Punishment
Bruce Shapiro: As doubts grow about the humanity and constitutionality of lethal injection, California, Florida and Maryland have shut down executions. America's flight from the death penalty continues.
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Rule of Noose
Bruce Shapiro: Justice and reconciliation for the victims of Saddam Hussein will not be found at the end of a hangman's rope.
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The real Democratic failure is long-term. For years Democratic leaders have avoided the work of strengthening a constituency for civil rights and civil liberties, keeping such issues at the periphery of their political strategy. In that sense, Alito's expected confirmation is payback. It's fine to say that a more balanced Supreme Court is impossible without Democratic victories in 2006 and '08, but such victories will gain little if they are not accompanied by a renewed Democratic commitment to privacy, equality and civil liberties as core values--and by Democratic politicians' determination to tell a persuasive story about why people should care.
There are still reasons to slow this nomination down and fight Alito as hard as possible. For one thing, Democrats have never gained by folding their cards on a judicial nominee; the tactical decision by some to vote for John Roberts, thinking that would lend credibility to opposing an even more conservative nominee like Alito, earned them chump change rather than political capital. (Roberts's vote against Oregon's Death With Dignity Act should end the fiction that he is a social pragmatist in the O'Connor mold. If Alito is confirmed, there will be a solid four-vote bloc of social conservatives.) Even more compelling--enough to warrant a filibuster--is the gathering constitutional crisis over presidential power and accountability. Given Alito's long devotion to expansive executive-branch power, his post-9/11 endorsement of the unitary-executive theory and his cagey responses to senators' questions about presidential lawbreaking in wartime, his nomination deepens that constitutional crisis--an extreme circumstance without historical parallel.
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